Lifestyle - Partner Swapping (Part Two)

(Continued from previous text) IV. Academic Research on Swapping
In the 1960s and 70s, there was a great deal of research on swapping in the West, attracting the attention of many social science disciplines. However, research in this field began to decline in the mid-1970s, and although some research has continued in the last 30 years, it is now scarce. Like almost all sex research, swapping research is difficult to sample, and can only be conducted on small groups or communities. A statistical analysis of 15 swapping studies from 1970 to 1992 showed that the largest sample size was 503 people, and the smallest was 30 people. The samples mainly came from swapping organizations, swapping conventions, swapping magazines, swapping advertisements, sexually liberal groups, etc. By the mid-to-late 1980s, there was very little research on swapping.
Researchers have proposed many theories to explain this social phenomenon, such as: the marginalization of the middle class, the independence of sex from the family or other social organizations, the growth of economic wealth, and the emphasis on sex during male socialization, etc. However, none of these can explain why not all marginalized or sexually liberal groups participate in swapping.
Scholars analyzing the reasons for the rise of partner swapping have pointed out that contemporary capitalism has influenced the entire society, including family structures. The formation of a consumer-driven society and consumer-driven sex have led to the disintegration of traditional marriage values. Partner swapping, group sex, open marriage, and exchange of sexual acts are the results. (Andreeva, Iskra Stepnovna, 1980)
The rise of partner swapping in the 1960s and 70s was not accidental. At that time, various social movements emerged simultaneously, such as the feminist movement and the sexual liberation movement, all of which challenged traditional marriage values, leading to higher divorce rates, greater sexual liberation for women, and more active sexual freedom. The concept of "alternative life styles" was proposed at that time, encompassing many non-traditional family forms, such as singlehood, heterosexual cohabitation, remarriage, single parenthood, career-family marriage, same-sex marriage, open families, multiple relationships, group marriage, marriage or sexual communes, etc. In fact, partner swapping can also be understood as a modern manifestation of early human group marriage forms.
The open marriage movement, proposed in the United States in the 1970s, advocated non-possessive love and tolerance of the limitations of partner relationships (Neill, 1972). This proposition provided some theoretical support for partner swapping.
Some scholars have summarized that the activity of partner swapping is due to: 1. the increased recognition of sex by both personal and social values; 2. the entry of marginalized individuals into the middle class, leading to a strong sense of identification and the desire for intense experiences; 3. the organizational forms and values of partner swapping stabilize the participants, with marginalized individuals enjoying the feeling of being part of an organization (Mary Lindenstein, Walshok, 1971: 488-495).
Jenks developed a socio-psychological model of partner swapping in 1985. This model includes five steps, corresponding to the process of partner swapping.
Step 1: A strong interest in sex, and/or an interest in sex from a young age.
Step 2: Personal character traits that facilitate partner swapping, such as a free attitude towards sex and low levels of jealousy.
Step 3: A negative stage caused by learning about and discussing partner swapping, and participating in it.
Step Four: A positive phase, contacting the partner, with the option to withdraw at any time.
Step Five: The acceptance phase. This involves factual participation, socialization of partner swapping, and the development of rational thinking that positively supports partner swapping (Jenks, 1985).
In my view, future research on partner swapping could include factors influencing the duration of partner swapping, factors influencing partner withdrawal, and the duration a couple can participate in partner swapping. Of course, research on partner swapping within the specific context of China is valuable in itself.
V. Identity Types of Partner Swappers Partner
swappers do not have a good social reputation. One study showed that about half of non-partner swappers would be very concerned if a partner swapper moved into their community (Jenks, 1998). Another study showed that non-partner swappers believe partner swappers are prone to drinking and drug use, an assumption far exceeding the actual facts. Non-partner swappers also believe that no white people participate in partner swapping, that partner swappers have liberal political attitudes, and that almost half of them require psychological counseling, while in reality only 26% of partner swappers do. Partner swappers are perceived to have more other deviant sexual behaviors. (Jenks, 1985)
This essentially labels swingers, viewing them as perverted, and believing they are perverted not only in swinging but also in other aspects. As a subcultural group, swingers need greater social support.
Research on swingers in the United States shows they belong to the middle to upper-middle class, are highly educated, mostly professionals and managers, and over 90% are white. Jenks' 1985 survey of readers of national swinging conferences and swinging magazines found these individuals to be aged 28-45, with a median age over 39, politically conservative, and identifying with the Republican Party. In terms of political attitude, 32% were conservative, 27% liberal, and 41% were centrist. Two-thirds of swingers lacked religious self-identification, consistent with other studies. In contrast, 92% of Americans said they had religious preferences, while 4% said they had no religious affiliation whatsoever. Swappers tend to be much more liberal in their sexual attitudes than non-swappers, and are more tolerant of issues such as premarital sex, abortion, homosexuality, divorce, and pornography. (Jenks, 1985) A
1986 survey by Jenks showed that swappers and non-swappers did not differ in some basic human values, such as their understanding of happiness, the meaning of life, and friendship, self-esteem, self-confidence, and joy. However, swappers placed more emphasis on personal values than religion. (Jenks, 1986)
A 2000 survey of 1,092 swappers also indicated that they were mostly white, middle-class, middle-income, and middle-aged. While it was initially assumed that many of them had broken families or had been abused as children, the survey showed this was not the case. On the contrary, their marital satisfaction was higher than that of ordinary couples, and both partners experienced sexual pleasure during swapping. (Curtis Bergstrand & Jennifer Blevins Williams, 2000)
Studies suggest that partner swappers require significant time and energy and a strong interest in sex. On the other hand, behavior is more important than attitude. Many people may not have considered partner swapping, but by engaging in it, their beliefs change, and they become more involved, which is crucial for participation. Comparing partner swappers and non-partners reveals that partner swappers begin dating at a younger age and have more dates and partners. This pattern helps us understand why some people participate in partner swapping.
Some scholars believe there are two types of partner swappers: those who do it for entertainment and those with a utopian ideal who use partner swapping to explore a social concept and achieve that ideal. The authors conducted participant observation and interviews in a utopian partner swapping community in Southern California to see how utopian partner swappers utilize recreational partner swappers to advance their long-term goals. (SYMONDS, CAROLYN L, 1970)
Jenks cited Weinberg's 1968 study of naturists, analyzing how society changed its sexual norms to accept these individuals. Among naturists, some did not accept sexual activity during naturism, while others did. Those who did not accept sexual activity were gradually accepted by society. They played a crucial role. This theory can also be applied to studies of partner swapping; those from the middle class, with strong family values, and who are otherwise mainstream are more easily accepted by society, thus making partner swapping more acceptable. (Jenks, 1998)
VI. Reasons, Decisions, and Power Relations in Partner Swapping
The reasons why swingers participate in partner swapping mainly include:
First, the attraction of various sexual partners and sexual experiences.
Second, passion and pleasure. Pregnancy provides them with the opportunity to practice a "perverted" lifestyle and defy mainstream social values.
Third, 13% believe it's to broaden their horizons and meet new people, which also makes partner swapping possible. Fourth
, voyeurism, learning new techniques to use with their partners, solving sexual problems, etc.
Other reasons include: seizing youth, wanting to see their partner attractive to others, increasing sexual interest in their partner, etc. (Richard J Jenks, 1998: 511-513).
Henshel's 1973 study showed that 44% of husbands and 16% of wives first learned about partner swapping. From knowing to actually considering joining is the first process. The second process is from considering joining to deciding, and the third process is from deciding to actually doing it. 68% of husbands and 12% of wives first suggested partner swapping. In the final decision, 20% were joint decisions, with 64% of husbands and 8% of wives ultimately deciding to swap partners. She also found that husbands had decisive power in partner swapping, arguing that it was a male mechanism, not the egalitarian one commonly portrayed. However, her study only interviewed 25 people, all of whom were wives (Henshel, 1973).
In my opinion, we cannot simply conclude that partner swapping is a patriarchal mechanism simply because men have more decision-making power. To determine the power relationship in partner swapping, at least the following levels of consideration are needed: 1. Even if a woman strongly desires partner swapping, will she actively and proactively express it? Patriarchal culture has long shaped women's sexuality, requiring women to be more "chaste" to conform to social norms, which affects women's expression of decision-making power in partner swapping. 2. Does male initiative automatically constitute a male mechanism? It also depends on whether the woman's decision is voluntary. 3. We must also examine what men and women gain from partner swapping after it begins. 4. We must also examine the mechanisms by which couples withdraw from partner swapping, such as the decision-making power involved in withdrawing.
A study divides couples' involvement in partner swapping into several stages:
Stage 1: The Processing Stage. The author argues that learning, reflection, and discussion are three crucial processes for partner swapping to become acceptable. Seeing media reports constitutes learning, followed by inevitable reflection, and then discussion with others. Extensive media coverage of partner swapping easily makes it a topic of conversation. This reflection and discussion also creates a clash of values.
Stage 2: The Action Stage. This stage primarily involves probing, experimenting, and inquiring. The first step is contacting other partner swapping couples, or at least getting acquainted with this subculture. Some people learn about it through advertisements and publications, and may also contact other partner swappers, as advertisements contain detailed information. It doesn't necessarily mean immediate action; time is needed for understanding and reflection. This stage is about being interested but not acting, primarily a process of connecting with like-minded individuals.
Stage 3: The Acceptance Stage. This stage begins with actual partner swapping behavior, accepting others, and experiencing safety and passion. (Richard M. Stephenson, 1973)

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Lifestyle - Partner Swapping (Part Two)

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